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The Gypsies in Hungarian Society | PDF | Folklore | Sociology

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T o date, the system of scientific classification of the Hungarian Roma pop- ulation most widely accepted was established by Kamill Erdõs as early as The census of the Gypsies in regarded the extent of vagrancy and settlement as the main ordering principle, and accordingly distinguished wandering Gypsies, Gypsies who dwell in one place for a longer period and permanently settled Gypsies.

Even though all three of them applied the method of participatory observation, they described wandering Gypsies as people who would not tolerate social obligations are were reluctant to become part of society; they were children of nature, albeit of not too honourable charac- ter. Their scientific interest was directed by a kind of enlightened absolutism and their aim was to settle wandering Gypsies.

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Archduke Joseph wanted to settle a group of vagrants on his Alcsút estate, while Antal Herman, as a chief counsellor to the Ministry of the Interior, worked on the preparation and co-ordination of the ministry order. It appears they had little under- standing of the culture of the vagrants, did not recognise the economic pres- sure behind migration, and the mistrust and suspicion directed towards their environment. Ethnographical and Cultural Anthropological Research One of the first scientists to provide imaginastudio suisse anti aging description of imaginastudio suisse anti aging three major Roma groups in Hungary was Antal Heiczinger in his study.

He laid down a valid description of the tub-making Gypsies, which is still valid. In his Data on the Gypsy Question of the Villages his observations equally take into account language, migration, occupation and livelihood, lifestyle, and the relationship with the village and the peasants. To date this is the most detailed such classification and we can easily assert that it is this system that has been codified by the fields of science dealing with the Roma. It has pro- vided the conceptual framework for ethnographical and anthropological stud- ies, and has also influenced the basic categories of later sociological studies.

The first group may be subdivided into two, markedly distinct sub-groups: A1 those who speak the so-called Carpathian Gypsy language; A2 those who speak the so-called Romany or Vlach Gypsy language. The second main group consists of those whose mother tongue is not the Gypsy language. They may be divided into two categories: B1 those whose mother tongue is Hungarian; B2 those whose mother tongue is Romanian.

Today it is almost impossible to distinguish them according to their origins. Members of group B2 also fall into two categories: 1 Romanian Gypsies e. Ethnographical and Cultural Anthropological Research Once beyond the difficulties of classification, ethnographical litera- ture was more or less interested in the description of the Roma.

In its ap- proach and attitude toward the question, the science of the fifties and the sixties carried on the endeavours of the thirties. Interest was directed at two main areas.

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On the one hand it was traditional trades and crafts that inter- ested researchers, while on the other they turned their attention to phenom- ena of folklore. The positivist description, museal collection of objects and photographic documentation of traditional or ancient trades and crafts has obviously added a lot to our knowledge of the Roma tub makers were described in detail by Béla Gunda, Margit Békeffy, Tivadar Petercsák and János Bencsik; metallurgy by Ferenc Bakó, Kamill Erdõs, Ferenc Bodgál, Ilona Ladvenicza and Zsuzsa Bódi; but research also covered such other crafts as adobe making, brick burning and basket weaving.

These works, however, restrict themselves to describing a craft or trade and are not embed- ded into the history and actual system of relations of the community as a whole. Therefore, such descriptions document the history of technology much more than real imaginastudio suisse anti aging processes.

At the outset, folkloristic studies were motivated by the desire to doc- ument ancient elements of Hungarian folk culture that had been instantly ageless vélemények by, and were still discernible amongst the Roma. Researchers set out with the presupposition that the Roma have no independent ethnic culture of their own, but, as an archaic community, they have preserved many imaginastudio suisse anti aging tural elements that they have adapted imaginastudio suisse anti aging Hungarian dance folklore or folk tales.

Research, therefore, did not strive to describe Roma culture itself but attempted to glean information about the archaic system of Hun- garian folk imaginastudio suisse anti aging. Emphasising the co-existence of Roma and non-Roma to some extent legitimised the notion that the culture of the Roma was solely the result of adapting elements from other cultures.

No doubt, we should re- gard folklore as basically dependent on social class or stratum, but we also should not forget about the ethnic knowledge generated during the course of the formulation of group identity.

The study of folklore primarily concen- trated on the collection of folk tales. An alternative approach is represented by the work of Katalin Kovalcsik who, while collecting folklore, was interested in the given community rather than just the afterlife of a genre.

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The work of Károly Bari is fundamentally dif- ferent from both trends and strives to reconstruct the once unified folkloric knowledge of the Roma by collecting works of folklore among them. As regards the concrete nature of the descriptions, we have to distinguish the works of Melinda Rézmûves, Gusztáv Balázs and Julianna Kalányosné László, who apply actual field ex- periences to the individual communities, from the writings of György Rostás-Farkas, Ervin Karsai and Pál Farkas who, for the most part, project their own experiences from Vlach Gypsy circles over the entire Roma popu- lation.

It was also these authors who attempted to create a comprehensive imaginastudio suisse anti aging nography of the Roma people in a synthetic work of some proportion.

The value of their work has lost much due to the lack of references and the roman- tic image they depict. From the point of view of our subject matter it was the first two who had the most definitive effect on later ethnographic research.

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While researchers even today often cite Kamill Erdõs, József Vekerdi has become persona non grata among romologists.

The first significant summary work on the Roma was imaginastudio suisse anti aging volume pub- lished inentitled Gypsies: Where they Came from, Where they are Going and edited by László Szegõ.

This book contains texts representing var- ious different approaches including scientific analyses as well as articles in- tended to promote the imaginastudio suisse anti aging and integration of the Roma population. All in all, we may conclude that ethnographic and folklore research of the past few decades have been primarily interested in Vlach Gypsies who were re- garded as traditional, and, for the most part, were restricted to the description of archaic phenomena without regarding the community or the group as the start- ing point of study.

Interest in the trends of the present was insignificant. This is 16 I. Ethnographical and Cultural Anthropological Research the reason why the growing number of manuals on Roma and the ethnographic notes of educational supplements usually tend to describe the cultural phenom- ena of archaic or Vlach Gypsies rather than Gypsy culture in general. It is perhaps the works which exhibit a socio-anthropological approach that offer the most detailed description and analyses of the Hungarian Roma groups.

Using this approach researchers examine the culture of Roma groups as a living culture whose primary function is to organise the commu- nity and life, to maintain the survival of the social group and to ensure liveli- hood.

This culture cannot be described in itself but only in the context of its relationship with majority society. Most significant among anthropological studies is the work of the British Michael Stewart. Stewart inten- tionally selected a group of Vlach Gypsies because he chose to set out from the assumption that these groups have preserved much more independent ele- ments in their cultural system or, we could say, tried harder to maintain tradi- tional values and lifestyles. In describing Vlach Gypsies he examined both their relationship with the peasants and other Gypsy groups.

Stewart draws the primary distinction between Vlach Gypsies whose lifestyle and philoso- phy is traditional and different from that of society and its codified set of val- ues and the Hungarian Gypsies who try to conform to the value system of society in their lifestyles and outlook. At this point we have to mention two works on the history of science that could provide readers with further and more detailed information on the subject.

Even though the statement is rather gen- eral, it highlights the basic problem of the sociological study of the Roma. All such studies have to olajkontroll anti aging hidratáló at the very beginning who the people to be re- garded as Gypsies are, and what the basis is for such classification.

The an- swer to the question may, of course, be or appear to be theoretically grounded, or it may be clearly practical and only take into account the practi- cal aspects of research, but the question itself cannot be avoided. On the one hand, therefore, the problem of definition is there at the outset of all sociolog- ical studies related to the Roma, while, on the other, quite independent of the particular subject of research and the approach applied, the results of re- search may provide information for the solution of the problem of definition; information that may be contrary to the original hypothesis.

The history of the sociological approach to the Gypsy problem in Hungary demonstrates that it is far from easy to find a reassuring answer to the question and that the attempts to solve the problem hitherto have not been able to entirely remove the contradictions inherent in it.

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Public opinion, the consciousness of imaginastudio suisse anti aging people, usually keeps a reliable record of Gypsy ori- gin, a marked feature of which is the set of anthropological characteristics. The study describ- 18 II. Similarly, in all probability the census also mostly ex- cluded assimilated Roma.

Imaginastudio suisse anti aging approach that uses the opinion of majority society as a key for defi- nition essentially understands the Roma as a social minority, whose contin- ued existence is due to the discriminative attitude of the majority rather than its own, immanent characteristics, even though it has evolved in the course of history as an ethnic entity.

The attempts at definition that do not take into account the system of relations with majority society and aim to find generally applicable criteria within the immanent characteristics of Roma society usually either narrow down the reference of the concept or generalise characteristics that only apply to certain groups of the Roma. Then, using these elements, he attempts to build up a consistent system whose organising principle is the so-called characteristic Gypsy lifestyle.

After the political transformation, the Minorities Act added a new, wholly practical dimension to the problem, since it grants the indi- vidual the exclusive and inalienable right to decide whether or hera anti aging he or she is a member of a minority.

This, coupled with the relevant legislation on pri- vacy rights, forces sociologists, too, to rethink the problem of definition and the procedures of sampling. János Ladányi and Iván Szelényi took a novel stand in the disputes that have yet again become increasingly heated. In their view, the objective definition of the Roma is impossible; sci- ence can only examine who were regarded as Gypsies by the various groups of society at various times — something that is determined by the logic of the struggle for social positions.

Accordingly, the term Gypsy will denote groups of very different composition and sociological parameters, 19 depending on the historical period and social position we take as our frame of reference. The results of the census provided imaginastudio suisse anti aging relatively clear picture of the situation, socio-structural position, level of integration, inner stratification and relationship toward majority society of the Hungarian Gypsies of the time.

This dis- tribution in itself already seems to prove a hypothesis that has been sup- ported by the further data gleaned by the census, namely that at the end of the 19th century the vast majority of the Roma in Hungary cannot be regarded as fully integrated into society, but their situation was not entirely marginal either, rather, it was intermediate.

The distribution of data concerning em- ployment, location, dwelling and schooling also support this conclusion. Another important result of the census was that by the end of the 19th century Roma had undergone a not overly widespread, but nevertheless sig- nificant process of differentiation. This differentiation exhibited extreme po- larities even at the time the Roma had a not fully assimilated — i. By the end of the 19th century Hungar- ian Roma were integrated into society to a greater degree than during the de- cades following World War I.

The passing of the liberal period of the Dual Monarchy also brought about the end of statistical and sociological interest in the Gypsies. Among such circumstances little thought was given to actual facts and the scientific examination of the problem.

Following the optimism of the age that expected the speedy resolution of all social problems, and the narrow-minded ideology opposing all forms of social self-knowledge and banishing sociology from the sphere of sciences, once again rendered serious sociological research impossible.

On Sociological Studies about the Roma It was only at the beginning of the sixties that sociological interest could once again turn toward the Roma.

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This situation immediately revealed that masses of Roma lived well below accepted social imaginastudio suisse anti aging and that most of them dwelled in segregated, slum-type conditions.

Within this framework ethnic characteristics and cultural traditions could only appear as factors conserving a historically imaginastudio suisse anti aging state of affairs. Another sign of interest in the Roma was the appearance of literature analysing particular communities or settlements from a sociographical point of view. Kemény approached the problem from the aspect of social structure. Ha was interested in the economic and social mechanisms that once again created a gap between the living conditions and perspectives of the lowest strata and the rest of society amidst the changes of the s, and thus con- tributed to the reproduction of poverty in Hungary.

The survey managed to clear up the previ- ously much disputed question of linguistic distribution, the regional and set- tlement characteristics of geographical position, the role of Roma in the divi- sion of labour, the typical trends in the changes of occupation and the extent of segregation within settlements.

It explored housing conditions, the imaginastudio suisse anti aging important indices of income and consumption levels, the level of education and the anomalies in schooling.

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It was this study which enabled later re- searchers to approach individual topics in possession of the most basic facts. From the time of its launch in to the end of the s, only two Roma-related studies were published in the journal Szociológia. During the sixties and the seventies the level of integration of the Roma population certainly increased, but this process was burdened with contradictions and led to novel conflicts and problems.

Sporadic research endeavoured imaginastudio suisse anti aging explore these processes and their consequences. By the second half of the s the crisis of the political system had led to the strengthening of negative tendencies in respect of the Gypsy popula- tion as well. At this point sociological literature primarily sought to describe the phenomena of crisis and their increasingly grave consequences. The intolerance of majority society toward the Roma grew strongly.

Literature has imaginastudio suisse anti aging documented the first attempts at the sys- tematic dwelling segregation of Roma Ladányi: At the same time, certain newer studies lay much greater emphasis on de- picting the internal stratification of Roma society, the different cultural traditions and the consequences of the differentiation process that society has undergone. Using primarily the tools of cultural anthropology, Stewart examines the lifestyle and value system of a Hungarian horse-trading com- munity.

Zita Réger has studied the connection between oral culture and lin- guistic socialisation, and the relationship between cultural traditions, child- hood socialisation and school failures. Kemény has called attention to Gypsy traders who have made successful careers following the political transformation, Ladányi has compared the sociological parameters of low and high income Roma and non-Roma, Gábor Kertesi and Gábor Kézdi examined the family background of Roma youth who were successful at school, while Ernõ Kállai prepared a case study about the various types of Roma entrepreneurs.

Studies depicting the conflicts in the relationship of Roma and the insti- tutions, the prejudicial or discriminative attitudes of the latter and the role of cultural differences within this framework have also been significant.

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The discriminative mechanisms of the labour institutions were described by Kertesi, Mária Neményi and György Gyukits studied the workings of these mechanisms in health care, while Péter Szuhay examined them in the opera- tion of the courts using statistical imaginastudio suisse anti aging and case studies. From the mid-eighties, in parallel with the growing number of crises phe- nomena, sociology began to pay greater attention to the problems related to the situation of the Roma, as witnessed by the increase in the number of relevant studies and by the growing complexity of both subject mater and approaches.

We have witnessed several cases when the mu- sicians protested against being called Roma, claiming that they were not Roma but musician Gypsies.

Nevertheless the majority of Gypsy politicians with Hungarian as their mother tongue often — and by today generally — use the term Roma in the names of the political and social organisations of Gypsy people; hence such names as the Roma Parliament, the Roma Civil Rights Foundation, the Roma Press Centre and Roma Veritas.

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In other cases the name of the organisation is entirely in the Gypsy language, e. The most important sociological fact that we have to record is that among, and often within, these groups there exists a strict system of endog- amy, which means that members of one group may only marry within that group. There are also strict barriers within the groups that define themselves as Roms or musicians.

These groups may be separated along imaginastudio suisse anti aging lines of oc- cupation, lifestyle, financial situation or geography as well as according to the system of clans and kinship. Self-Definitions of Gypsy Ethnic Groups Separation of the main groups is discernible in the forms of work organisa- tion as well. The terminology of the Vlach Gypsies classifies people according to the following categories.

Opposite this group are the gadje, who can further be di- vided into peasants and gentlemen peasants, in general, are the rural popula- tion and those hostile to us while the gentlemen are those who do not despise us and display solidarity. An intermediate category is that of the Romungro, those who are not Roma any more but they are not fully gadje either.

Hungar- ian Gypsies apply a similar classification, calling themselves musicians, calling those who are classified by science as Vlach Gypsies imaginastudio suisse anti aging Vlach, while referring to non-Gypsies the gadje just as the Romany Gypsies do.

A process of unification can be seen among the groups whose mother tongue is the Gypsy language. It appears that even those groups are increas- ingly using the term Lovári for themselves, whose ancestors actually be- longed to a different tribe or clan. According to the Vlach groups, a true Rom is independent from the hierarchical system of the division of labour, is his own master and answers to no one but himself, even though his activities would be impossible without the system of relationships with the peasants and the majority in general.

That is, the true Roma make a living from trad- ing with the peasants. From this point of view the central value consists of dealing well and successfully as this ensures independence from majority so- ciety and its system of institutions.

Similar tendencies are apparent if we examine the ethnic group of Gypsies whose mother tongue is Hungarian.

Almost all Hungarian Gypsies define themselves as musicians, regardless of whether they or their ancestors have ever worked as such. For example, those who had earlier been brick makers or day labourers or who were industrial or agricultural workers dur- ing the previous period call themselves musicians.

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Accord- ing to this view of life, a musician respects others, is a lavish host, likes to give and thereby achieves a symbolic form of superiority. Even though his livelihood depends on the peasants or the guests, his outlook on life is not identical to theirs. As his liveli- hood is based on a kind of service — playing music — he does not attempt to accumulate capital the way trading and dealing Gypsies do.

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For the groups of Hungarian Gypsies who define themselves as musi- cians but do no actually live from playing, it was the peasant and petty bour- geois system of values of recent decades which served as a model, even if they did preserve the — unattainable — image of the true musician Gypsy. Safety, the security of the workplace and the family became the meaning of life; the goal to be achieved was the peasant or worker form of life.

Those liv- ing in slums wished to move into the villages or the cities to dwell among the Hungarians and they detested being called Gypsies by others.

The Gypsies in Hungarian Society

Yet, however hard they tried they could not achieve this and were constantly forced to face the fact that society labelled them on the basis of their ethnic identity. Today we are already aware that the attempted integration on the part of Hungarian Gypsies was only partially successful. From the second half of the eighties onwards very many of them — especially the semi-skilled and un- skilled workers — became imaginastudio suisse anti aging and the lifestyle they previously be- lieved to be secure and stable came to an end.

Many who had previously achieved a peasant or petty bourgeois quality of life were once again forced to live day to day, and certain cultural forms came to life that originate from the culture of poverty. It is from this period onwards that — as many examples of the life strategy of Vlach Gypsies show — dealing and trading became the most secure forms of livelihood. Even in communities where previously the men had worked in industry or agriculture, mediating commerce and street peddling began to appear as possible solutions.

The Gypsy ethnic groups with different mother tongues still maintain the practice of rivalry between themselves and try to enforce the general hier- archy of Gypsy society. However, there is no montfaucon svájci anti aging hierarchy accepted by all. It is perhaps generally accepted that the Boyash groups, whose mother tongue is Romanian, feel that both Hungarian and Romany Gypsies despise and shun them, even though they believe that they have the largest intelligen- tsia and have even established a high school in the town imaginastudio suisse anti aging Pécs, the Gandhi High School.

Vlach Gypsies, especially those who managed to achieve eco- nomic independence and believe themselves to be rich, clearly place them- selves at the top of the hierarchy. They speak with contempt about those they 26 III. They look upon the Gypsies who make a living in industry or agriculture as slaves of labour, who are not true Gypsies not only because they do not speak the language but because they have given up the Gypsy form of life and imitate the gadje.

Certain poorer groups, how- ever, whose mother tongue is the Gypsy language believe that the highest among the Gypsies are the gentlemen, the musicians — but they reserve this term strictly for those who actually play music. Musicians — the real ones — place themselves at the top of the hierarchy and proudly believe that their music promotes Hungarian composed music which they believe to be Gypsy music actually and elevates the image of the country. They believe that prejudices and misjudgements about the Gypsies are caused by Vlach Gypsies.

The rich ones have created their wealth by incorrect and criminal means, and there- fore deserve the judgement of society while the poor ones — who have only themselves to imaginastudio suisse anti aging for their poverty — give musicians a bad reputation with their backward lifestyles, since society is prone to make generalisations.

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